Political science as a social science Essay Example for Free

Political science as a social science Essay Political Science is in part a social science, and in part a humanity. Both are important. In this topic, we will look at the basics of social science inquiry, and then proceed to show how this differs from, on the one hand, inquiry in the natural sciences and, on the other, inquiry in the humanities. Social Science Social science inquiry seeks to develop empirical theory. ?Empirical? refers to things that can be experienced through the five senses of seeing, hearing, touching, tasting, or (in the case of political corruption) smelling. Theory? basically means explanation. An empirical theory of politics, then, is an attempt to explain why people behave the way they do politically. If a social scientist (or anyone else) observes people engaging in political behavior, he or she will need to focus on certain characteristics of the people being observed. The observer may wonder why some people differ from others in their political characteristics. Why, for example, are some people Liberals while others are Conservatives and still others are New Democrats. Characteristics that differ from one person to another are called one variables. Those that do not are called constants. Constants are generally less interesting than variables. There is not much point in trying to explain voting behavior in a country in which only one party appears on the ballot. Of course, we might then ask why some countries have only one party whereas others have multi-party systems, but now we are treating ? number of parties? as a variables. Everyday language is full of what are, in effect, hypotheses about political behavior. For example, talk about a ? gender gap? in voting hypothesizes that vote (the dependent variable) is in part a function of gender (the independent variable), with women more likely to vote for the Liberals or New Democrats and men more likely to vote Conservative. Social science research differs from everyday discussion of politics in two ways. The first is where hypotheses come from. Anyone who follows politics will likely carry around in his or her head a lot of ideas about what explains political behavior. Such ideas may come from personal experience, from conversations with others, or from following politics through the mass media. This is true as well for the ways social scientists think about politics. In addition, however, social scientists develop hypotheses more systematically by studying the scholarly literature for the results of previous research. This is important for at least a couple of reasons. For one thing, it is usually the case that the more you learn what is already known about a subject, the more new questions you are likely to have. A review of the literature helps generate new hypotheses. Even more important, social science seeks not merely to describe raw facts, but to explain why people behave the way that they do. To accomplish this, we need to put our ideas into a broader theoretical context that offers such an explanation. It is a fact that in the United States, from 1936 through 2000, the incumbent party has always won the presidency whenever the Washington Redskins won their last home game before the election, and lost whenever the Redskins lost. However, since there is no reasonable explanation for why this should be the case, it is merely an interesting bit of trivia, and no serious observer of politics would rely on it in analyzing the next presidential contest. A second difference is that, for many people, ideas about patterns of political behavior remain merely assumptions. Social science insists that the validity of assumptions must be tested against data. Conceptual definition. We need to know, and be able to communicate to others, what our independent and dependent variables mean. What, in other words, is the idea in our mind when we use a term? Definitions found in dictionaries are examples of conceptual definitions. Sometimes, the idea that is in our mind when we use a term will be obvious, but often it will not. Many concepts used in political science are anything but clear. If we are to study political ideology, for example, we need to spell out with as much precision as possible what that concept means in the context of our research. Operational definition. For hypotheses to be tested, we will need to come up with measurements of our variables. An operational definition is one stated in a way that can be directly measured by data. We strive for a one-to-one correspondence between our conceptual definitions and our measurements (operational definitions) of them. If we succeed, then our measurements have validity and reliability. Data needed to provide operational definitions of our variables come from a wide variety of sources. We may gather the data ourselves. Analysis of data that we gather in order to test hypotheses that we have formulated is called primary analysis. Often, however, this approach would be totally beyond our resources of time, money, and expertise. A nationwide survey of public opinion, for example, would take months to design and carry out, would cost many thousands of dollars, and would require the services of a large survey research organization. Often, secondary analysis of data (that is, analysis of data originally gathered for other purposes) will suit our needs far better. Indeed, very important databases are used almost exclusively in secondary analysis. The Census Canada data is a good example. Other surveys such as the Canadian National Election Study and the General Social Survey were created, in part, for the express purpose of providing quality survey data for secondary analysis by students of Canadian politics. Indeed much of the work using the Canadian National is based on secondary analysis. To facilitate secondary analysis, the University of Toronto Data Library, and other university-based data archives have been established throughout the world. The largest of these is the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR) established in 1962. Today, over 500 colleges and universities from all over the world, including the University of Toronto are member institutions. Students and faculty at these institutions obtain datasets that provide the basis for numerous scholarly books, articles, and conference papers, graduate theses and dissertations, and undergraduate term papers. The Social Sciences and the Natural Sciences What we have described as the social science method ? the effort to explain empirical phenomena by developing and testing hypotheses ? could as easily be called simply ? the scientific method,? without the ?  social? qualifier. There are, however, differences between social sciences, including political science, and the natural sciences. Though these are differences in degree, they are important. One difference is that the natural sciences rely much more heavily on experimental design, in which subjects are assigned randomly to groups and in which the researcher is able to manipulate the independent varia ble in order to measure its impact on the dependent variable. Often, when people think about the scientific method, what they have in mind are these sorts of controlled laboratory experiments. In political science, we for the most part are not able to carry out experimental designs. If, for example, we wish to study the impact of party affiliation on decisions by judges, we cannot very well assign judges to different parties, but rather have to take the data as they come to us from observing judges in their natural setting. Experimental design, however, does not define the natural sciences, nor does its absence define the social sciences. Astronomy, for example, must of necessity rely on observation of things that cannot be manipulated. ?Epidemiological?  medical research also relies on non-experimental data. Conversely, the social science discipline of social psychology has been built in large part from experiments in small group laboratories. In political science, a great deal of laboratory research on the impact of campaign commercials has been carried out in recent years. Field experiments are also common, as when survey researchers will test the impact of alternativ e question wordings by splitting their sample and administering different questionnaire forms to different subsets of respondents. Nevertheless, it is fair to say that experimental designs are much less common in the social sciences, including political science, than in the natural sciences. Most of our research design is, in effect, an effort to approximate the logic of experimental design as closely as possible. Other differences, also differences in degree, have to do with lower levels of consensus in the social sciences. There is less consensus about conceptual definition. Even if we agree that power is a key concept for the study of politics, we may not agree on what power means. Chemists, on the other hand, not only agree that molecules are important, they also mean pretty much the same thing when they use the term. There is less consensus about operational definition. Chemists also agree on how to measure the atomic weight of a molecule. Social scientists are far from unanimous in the ways they go about measuring power. It bears repeating that these differences are ones of degree. In the natural sciences there are also disputes at the frontiers of the various disciplines about what concepts are important, what they mean, and how they should be measured. In the social sciences, consensus is likely to break down from the start. Even if we can agree that a particular concept is important, on what it means, and on how it should be measured, we will encounter far larger problems of measurement error than those in the natural sciences, where measurement is not without error, but is typically much more precise. Finally, remember that we are involved in trying to explain human behavior. People do not seem to behave as predictably as molecules. Philosophers are not in agreement on this point, but it may be that human behavior is inherently less predictabl The fact that we deal with tendencies rather than with laws means that, for the most part (and despite impressive work by ? rational choice? theorists to develop formal mathematical models of political behavior), political science makes relatively little use of elegant systems of deduction, but considerable use of statistics, which provides us with valuable tools for dealing with probabilities. Despite its unavoidable limitations, political science as a social science has produced an explosion in our knowledge about politics. This has had important practical consequences. For example, no serious aspirant for a major elected office in an economically developed democracy would consider embarking on a campaign without consulting experts in survey research, a signature social science technique. In addition to being, in part, a social science, political science is also in part a humanity. Political science as a humanity means at least a couple of different things.

Griffins Egg: Gunther :: essays research papers

Griffin's Egg: Gunther   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Griffin's Egg is a story about Gunther, a man who lives on the moon. And his adventures,as he gets into all kinds of situatutions. He, along with many others, have inhabited the moon because Earth is engauged in a full thermonuclier war. The dangers of the moon however, also come along. Solar flares, dangerous robots, CMP chips, and many more dangers await Gunther on the moon.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  As gunther is delivering some fuel rods to the G5 Assembly Plant, a Surface Warning is broadcast, this is high levels of radiation caused by a solar flare. He is 30 minutes away from the nearest shelter, and the advisory is for 20 minutes. He finds a way to make a rig to sit under the truck, so he would be shielded from the radiation. He also uses his robot, Siegfried, to control the movement of the truck while he is riding under it, on his way to the plant.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  When he finally made it so the plant, he went inside to find it filled with thick, smoke-like mist. His light only distorts the images, so he turns it off and gets used to the dark room. When his eyes finally got adjusted, it was just in time, because just then a big metal puncher came by and punched a hole in the ground right next to him. He stumbled away, only to find that the robot was following him. He ran into the shelter and closed the door, sealing the robot outside of the shelter. The shelter was s small room, just big enough to fit a cot, a chemical toilet, and a rebreather with spare oxygen tanks.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  A while later, after the flare was over, the CMP chips, which has been implanted in everyone's brain that had come to the moon, was being used against them. Krishna, a scientist, found that if he broadcasted over the chips frequency, he could make hypnotic suggestions to the people with the chips. Gunther had to find a way to stop this, so he and another scientist, Hiro,

Epic of Labaw Donggon Analysis

The Hinilawod epic tells the story of the exploits of the three demigod brothers, Labaw Donggon, Humadapnon and Dumalapdap of Panay. In its original form the epic would take about three days to perform (including breaks for food and sleep), thus making it one of the longest epics in the world. Anthropologist Dr. F. Landa Jocano recorded a version of the epic from the inhabitants of Central Panay. This is how the story goes: When the goddess of the eastern sky Alunsina (also known as Laun Sina, â€Å"The Unmarried One†) reached maidenhood, the king of the gods, Kaptan, decreed that she should marry.All the unmarried gods of the different domains of the universe tried their luck to win her hand to no avail. She chose to marry a mortal, Datu Paubari, the mighty ruler of Halawod. Her decision angered her other suitors. They plotted to bring harm to the newlyweds. A meeting of the council of gods was called by Maklium-sa-t'wan, god of the plains, where a decision by those present w as made to destroy Halawod by flood.Alunsina and Paubari escaped harm through the assistance of Suklang Malayon, the goddess and guardian of happy homes and sister of Alunsina, who learned of the evil plot and warned the two so they were able to seek refuge on higher ground. After the flood waters subsided, Paubari and Alunsina returned to the plains secretly. They settled near the mouth of the Halawod river. Several months later Alunsina became pregnant and told Paubari to prepare the siklot, things necessary for childbirth.She delivered a set of triplets and summoned the high priest Bungot-Banwa to perform the rites of the gods of Mount Madya-as (the mountain abode of the gods)to ensure the good health of the children. The high priest promptly made an altar and burned some alanghiran fronds and a pinch of kamangyan. When the ceremony was over he opened the windows of the north side of the room and a cold northernly wind came in and suddenly the three infants were transformed into strong, handsome young men.Labaw Donggon, the eldest of the three, asked his mother to prepare his magic cape, hat, belt and kampilan (sword) for he heard of a place called Handug where a beautiful maiden named Angoy Ginbitinan lived. The journey took several days. He walked accross plains and valleys, climbed up mountains until he reached the mouth of the Halawod river. When he finally met the maiden's father and asked for her hand in marriage, the father asked him to fight the monster Manalintad as part of his dowry. He went off to confront the monster and with the help of his magic belt LabawDonggon killed the monster and to prove his feat he brought to Angoy Ginbitinan's father the monster's tail. After the wedding Labaw Donggon proceeded home with his new bride. Along the way they met a group of young men who told him that they were on their way to Tarambang Burok to win the hand of Abyang Durunuun, sister of Sumpoy the lord of the underworld and whose beauty was legendary. Lab aw Donggon and his bride continued on their journey home. The moment they arrived home Labaw Donggon told his mother to take care of his wife because he is taking another quest, this time he was going to Tarambang Burok.Before he can get to the place he has to pass a ridge guarded by a giant named Sikay Padalogdog who has a hundred arms. The giant would not allow Labaw Donggon to go through without a fight. However, Sikay Padalogdog was no match to Labaw Donggon's prowess and skill in fighting so he gave up and allowed him to continue. Labaw Donggon won the hand of Abyang Durunuun and also took her home. Before long he went on another journey, this time it is to Gadlum to ask for the hand of Malitong Yawa Sinagmaling Diwata who is the young bride of Saragnayan the lord of darkness.This trip required him to use his biday nga inagta (black boat) on which he sailed across the seas for many months, went across the region of the clouds, passed the land of stones until finally he reached the shores of Tulogmatian which was the seaside fortress of Saragnayan. The moment he set foot on the ground Saragnayan asked him, â€Å"Who are you and why are you here? † To which he answered, â€Å"I am Labaw Donggon, son of Datu Paubari and goddess Alunsina of Halawod. I came for the beautiful Malitong Yawa Sinagmaling Diwata. † Saragnayan laughed.He told Labaw Donggon that what he wished for was impossible to grant because she was his wife. Labaw Donggon then challenged Saragnayan to a duel saying that whoever wins will have her. The challenge was accepted and they started fighting. Labaw Donggon submerged Saragnayan under water for seven years, but when he let go of him, Saragnayan was still alive. The latter uprooted a coconut tree and started beating Labaw Donggon with it. He survived the beating but was not able to surpass the powers of Saragnayan's pamlang (amulet) and eventually he gave up and was imprisoned by Saragnayan beneath his house.Back home Angoy Gi nbitinan and Abyang Durunuun both delivered sons. Angoy Ginbitinan's child was named Aso Mangga and Abyang Durunuun's son was called Abyang Baranugon. Only a few days after they were born Aso Mangga and Abyang Baranugon embarked to look for their father. They rode their sailboats through the region of eternal darkness, passed the region of the clouds and the land of stones, finally reaching Saragnayan's home. Saragnayan noticed that Abyang Baranugon's umbilical cord have not yet been removed, he laughed and told the child to go home to his mother.Abyang Baranugon was slighted by the remarks and immediately challenged Saragnayan to a duel. They fought and Abyang Baranugon defeated Saragnayan and won his father's freedom. Labaw Donggon's defeat and subsequent imprisonment by the Lord of Darkness also angered his brothers. Humadapnon was so enraged that he swore to the gods of Madya-as that he would wreak revenge on all of Saragnayan's kinsmen and followers. Humadapnon prepared to go t o Saragnayan's domain. He employed the aid of Buyong Matanayon of Mount Matiula who was well-known for his skill in swordsmanship.For their journey they rode on a sailboat called biday nga rumba-rumba. They travelled through the region of the clouds, passed by the region of eternal darkness and ended up at a place called Tarambang Buriraw. In this place was a ridge called Talagas Kuting-tang where a seductive sorceress named Piganun lived. Piganun changed herself to a beautiful maiden and captured the heart of Humadapnon. Buyong Matanayon begged with Humadapnon to leave the place with him but the latter refused.After seven months passed, Buyong Matanayon remembered that they have brought with them some ginger. One evening at dinner time Buyong Matanayon threw seven slices of ginger into the fire. When Pinganun smelled the odor of burning ginger she left thedinner table because sorcerers hated the odor of ginger. Immediately Buyong Matanayon struck Humadapnon, who became unconscious. He dragged his friend with him and they were able to escape. They continued with their trek and everywhere they went they exacted revenge on all of Saragnayan's people and relatives.One day they reached a place called Piniling Tubig who was ruled by Datu Umbaw Pinaumbaw. There was a big gathering in the village and when they asked what was going on they were told that the datu was giving his daughter for marriage to whoever could remove the huge boulder that rolled from a mountain into the center of the village. Many men tried their luck but no one so far was able to even move the stone. Humadapnon took off his magic cape and used it to lift the stone and threw it back into the mountain. The datu kept his word and Humadapnon married his daughter.During the wedding feast Humadapnon heared about the beauty of the goddess of greed Burigadang Pada Sinaklang Bulawan from a guest minstrel who sang at the celebration. After the wedding Humadapnon went to seek the hand of the goddess in ma rriage. Along the way he encountered Buyong Makabagting, son of the mighty Datu Balahidyong of Paling Bukid who was also travelling with the same purpose in mind. Upon learning of Humadapnon's intent, Buyong Makabagting challenged him to a duel. They fought and Buyong Makabagting was no match to Humadapnon's strength and skill.The fight ended when Buyong Makabagting surrendered and even promised to aid Humadapnon in his quest. Humadapnon married the goddess and brought her home. Meanwhile, right after Humadapnon left to seek Saragnayan's followers and relatives his brother Dumalapdap left for Burutlakan-ka-adlaw where the maiden Lubay-Lubyok Hanginun si Mahuyokhuyokon lived. For the trip he brought along Dumasig, the most powerful wrestler in Madya-as. Several months later they came to a place called Tarambuan-ka-banwa where they encountered the two-headed monster Balanakon who guarded a narrow ridge leading to the place where the maiden lived.With the aid of Dumasig, Dumalapdap kil led Balanakon. However, upon approaching the gate of the palace where the maiden lived he was confronted by Uyutang, a batlike monster with sharp poisonous claws. There ensued a bloody battle between the Humadapnon and the monster. They fought for seven months and their skill and prowess seemed to be equal. But on the seventh month, Humadapnon was able to grab on to Uyutang's ankle and broke it. Then he took his iwang daniwan (magic dagger) and stabbed Uyutang under the armpit.Uyutang cried out so loud that the ridge where they were fighting broke into two and there was an earthquake. Half of the ridge became the island of Buglas (Negros) and the other became the island of Panay. Dumalapdap married Lubay-Lubyok Hanginun si Mahuyokhuyokan and then took her home. Datu Paubari was very happy when he was reunited with his three sons and he prepared a feast in their honor. After the celebration, the three brothers left for different parts of the world. Labaw Donggon went to the north, Hu madapnon went south, Dumalapdap to the west and Datu Paubari remained in the east.

Infectious Diseases Have A Great Impact On Morbidity And...

Infectious diseases have a great impact on morbidity and mortality of people living in long-term care facilities (LTCFs). It is reported that 1 to 3 million serious infections and several thousand outbreaks occur every year in LTCFs.1 Utsumi and colleagues showed in their review paper that influenza was the most reported outbreaks in LTCFs.2 The important source of influenza is infected person. An infected but asymptomatic person can shed the virus and be infectious as well.3 Influenza vaccination is the most effective way to prevent outbreaks. Older people, however, are less likely to be protected by vaccination because the antibody response in older people is considerably lower than in younger people.4 Older people living in LTCFs have†¦show more content†¦Contact tracing, for example, enables us to identify transmission of the disease from infected persons to uninfected persons, and thus to treat their contacts for reducing the spread of infection.6 The study of network s tructure is a first step to infer the disease spread as well as to build better predictive model for future outbreaks. In social network analysis, people within a network are referred to as nodes, and the relationships between people are referred to as edges.7 Each pair of nodes (i, j) is either connected or disconnected, that is, the contact direction is not taken into account in the analysis of the influenza transmission. In the simplest data generation, the connections are defined as ÃŽ ´_ij={ââ€"ˆ(0 if i ↛j@1 if i →j)â” ¤ For undirected edges (i.e., ignoring directionality), the contact matrix is symmetric, and its elements are ÃŽ ´_ij. Node color, shape and size, and edge weight in the social network diagram are conducive to presenting individual properties and connection frequencies. For example, in Figure 1 (the R code appears in APPENDIX), node colors in Figure 1(b) representing infectious status (light pink: infected and light blue: uninfected), and edge weights in Figure 1(c)